Symbolism

The plum flower (méi huā 梅花) is a prolific symbol in Chinese culture. The flower is one of the very few blossoms to appear in the early spring when snow is still a possibility. There are countless images in Chinese art culture depicting the plum blossom emerging through snow covered branches. The symbolism of this particular flower is powerful, a metaphor for ‘strength through adversity’, or ‘overcoming hardship’.

Upon close inspection, Praying Mantis Boxing (táng láng quán 螳螂拳), a style from Shandong province in northern China, has a deeply rooted past that intersected and conjoined with plum boxing, another popular style of the time and region. There are a multitude of references found within names of mantis boxing sets, specific movements within forms, and even branches/lines of the mantis boxing style that split off from the main line, going on to brand themselves as ‘plum blossom’ praying mantis boxing. This goes beyond mere symbolism and speaks to something greater. To understand this we have to delve deeper into the region, politics, and time period where the style originated, and discuss another style of boxing known as, Plum Boxing.

Plum Flower Boxing

Plum Flower Boxing (méi huā quán 梅花拳), or méi quán, is a folk style of boxing from the border regions of Jiangsu, Anhui, Shandong, Henan, and Hebei province in northern China. It began during the Qing dynasty, and by the collapse of the Qing in the early 1900’s, it had thousands of followers; although this description is rife with technicalities.

For one, the word styles is in question. In the early and mid Qing dynasty boxers rarely stayed with one teacher for any significant length of time. ‘Styles’ as a construct were few and far between outside of family units. A boxer’s repertoire was an amalgamation of techniques from various teachers and counterparts across the north China plains. Joseph W. Esherick writes of this in his book on the origins of what is commonly known as the Boxer Rebellion, which he more aptly describes as a series of ‘uprisings’.

As we get to the late Qing, when plum boxing is gaining in popularity, we see more styles begin to take significant roles in the Yellow River region in the 1860’s. Esherick notes,

Boxing was particularly popular in this area - both as recreation for young men, and as a means of protecting one’s home in an increasingly unstable countryside.

He also quotes a Linqing gazeteer. They said,

The local people like to practice the martial arts — especially to the west of Linqing. There are many schools: Shaolin, Plum Flower and Greater and Lesser Hong Boxing. Their weapons are spears, swords, staff and mace. They specialize in one technique and compete with one another.

Shaolin boxing was tied to the ‘bandit-monks’ as Chinese historian Peter Lorge describes them. Temple monks hired local ruffians and bandits to protect their land holdings and crops. They were monks only in title and appearance, but more accurately put — armed enforcers for the temple.

Red Boxing (Hong Quan) was the preferred boxing methods of security guards, escort masters, and family bodyguards in the northern provinces. Albeit this was not the style of origin for a bodyguard who began the 6 Harmony Praying Mantis Boxing line in the generations to follow.

Plum Flower Boxing has a variety of descriptions tied to it, all of them accurate in their own rights. The synopsis - a ‘style’ only in the loosest sense of the word. More accurately - a series of boxing methods used for self-defense, but more for exhibition in village marketplaces. It was named not for a style so much as the time of year these exhibitions normally took place — in early spring before the field work began. A period during which, spare time was more plentiful for the agrarian society, and the plum blossoms were appearing on the trees. The ‘plum boxers’ would arrive in the markets touting their skills. (Esherick, 1987)

Dr. Peter Lorge, a Chinese historian wrote

“many local styles [of Chinese martial arts] subsumed themselves under the rubric of Plum Blossom Boxing when it became famous [due to its association with the Boxer Rebellion] at the beginning of the twentieth century” (2012:208; see also Zhang and Green 2010)

Dr. Tom Green, and Dr. Zhang Guodong write extensively on the folk aspect of Mei Boxing in their research (Zhang and Green 2010) on the style, and its integration in local villages that survives even to today.

By the end of the 19th century plum boxing had thousands of practitioners. Shandong, the birthplace of mantis boxing, was replete with plum boxing practitioners, and the now known style was taught by one of the famous patriarchs and leader in the boxer uprisings - Zhao Sanduo. Esherick writes heavily on Zhao and his role with the rebellion. Ben Judkins follows up in great detail as well.

The significant point of immediate interest for our purposes, is to note the popularity of the style as well as its migratory nature. This was not simply limited to one small region in China. The style spread from village to village, city to city as the 1800’s progressed on towards the turn of the century. If we stick with the concept of styles being a construct of a series of techniques learned from multiple sources, or as Green puts it - “a common vernacular in the region”, then we can understand why one style or boxer, would absorb the methods of another so seamlessly. As with modern day martial arts, and the popularity of videos on fighting technique for almost any style you can think of - we practitioners seek out and use what works. Efficacy is at the forefront. This concept is not unique or exclusive to human beings in the 21st century, and it would be hubris to believe so. It would be especially present when dealing with violent and chaotic regions where your life and the life of your family depended on these skills, as existed during this time period.

The Collapsing Empire

There are questions as to the ‘true’ age of praying mantis boxing. For now we’ll assume that mantis boxing was an actual ‘style’ prior to the late 19th century.

Liang Xuexiang, the lineage holder in Shandong Province, China during the late Qing dynasty. Liang returned from Beijing in 1855 to his village in Laiyang county (Yushankuang) two days walk south of Yantai. At this time the region to the west of the village was in the fifth year of catastrophic flooding of the Yellow River. The Taiping Rebellion was raging in the south. The second Opium War, known as The Dart War would begin the following year in 1856.

Liang Xuexiang was a biaoshi (escort master) prior to retiring, and possibly a soldier in the Qing military (although I have yet to verify this with more than one source). I am told by another credible source that he was a silk merchant in Beijing prior to returning to his village. It is worthy of noting, according to Chircop-Reyes and his paper on Merchants, Brigands, and Escorts, a biaoshi was hired based on factors which included their martial arts lineage.

In 1875, Liang was in his mid 60’s when his life intersected with the next (4th) generation of mantis boxers. The boxers who would then go on to diverge the style from it’s core lineage, and propel it onto separate paths into the present day. Liang, with his experience as a biaoshi, may have been considered a village protector upon his return, or just passing the time in his later years teaching for fun.

During 1875, a majority of the Shandong province was gripped by severe drought that had begun two years prior in 1873, and was still ongoing. Four years of mass famine would follow this drought claiming the lives of 9.5 to 13 million people within five northern provinces of the north China plains which included Shandong. An estimated 8 to 12% of the population.

Opium was ravaging the populace, as well as continued western encroachment and pressure. Yantai was home to one of the treaty ports that was forced open by the western powers at the Treaty of Tianjin (1858) following the Dart War. The White Lotus Rebellion was off and on in the border regions of Shandong, and banditry was a significant problem in northwest and southwest of Shandong. Militias were growing in popularity to quell these threats.

The Qing rulers were meanwhile engrossed in fending off a multi-pronged attack on their rule from outside powers and internal rebellion, as well as corruption which all told, compromised their ability to maintain power. An economic fallout from the catastrophic floods, major rebellions fought in the south and the west that sapped their military strength; foreign powers beating down their door, and the eventual Japanese invasion during the Sino-Japanese war (1894-95). This invasion included battles in Shandong next door to Yantai, in Weihai Wei.

The Qing military at it’s apex was remarkably powerful and adept with the 8 banner armies of the Manchu. By this time however, they had become lazy and unkempt. The Green Banner army, comprised of Han Chinese, not Manchu bannermen, was now the leading force to deal with rebellions and fight off foreign incursions with any significant effect. The Qing military lacked technological advancement, and the western powers made short work of the Qing army in any altercation. Likewise, Japan during the Sino-Japanese war, sunk the much larger Chinese fleet in its entirety in a single day.

The intrusion of Catholic and Protestant missionaries, their willfulness at not only converting villagers, but influencing the political establishment, caused a growing resentment toward these religions, their leaders, and their followers alike. Thus was the climate of Shandong during the 1800’s as Plum Blossom Boxing spread, and mantis boxing was branded.

The rise of Méi Huā Quan

As mentioned, méi quan was the name of a growing martial art in northern China well before and during the lives of the 4th generation of mantis boxers that followed Liang Xuexiang. Liang is noted as training under Zhao Zhu, who trained under Li Bingxiao - known as ‘two hooks Li’, the likely progenitor of the mantis boxing lineage around the turn of the 19th century, if there was one. His existence is difficult to verify, and his name has questionable translations.

Those who would become the fourth generation of mantis boxers, to teach others, were the following: Liang Jingchuan (Liang’s son), Jiang Hualong, Song Zide, Sun Yuanchang, and Hao Lianru. They were all friends with one another in Yantai.

How were these boxers tied to Liang Xuexiang? They are claimed in the mantis oral records as being students of Liang. Upon deeper inspection though, this is a more difficult question to answer. At the time they met Liang they were the following ages: Hao was still a child at 11 years old. Jiang and Song were 20 years old; both had experience in other boxing styles prior to meeting and ‘training’ with Liang, according to their biographies.

Is it possible Jiang and Song, and the other boxers their age, were in Liang’s employ as escort guards rather than martial arts students? That is, if Liang was still operating as a security boss at this time. There is no known evidence of when Liang ended his service in this career so this is difficult to answer.

Another possibility is, they were bodyguards for Liang and his family, who was now in his 60’s during an extremely chaotic time in Shandong. One experienced in the field of protective services would certainly recognize the need for such in times of strife.

Militias were also becoming more and more commonplace in Shandong due to the growing criminal activity. Was this group a militia? Was their symbol the mantis? Was Liang the militia leader? He was a respected escort-master who may well have been looked to as a local leader. More questions, few answers.

Another question, were they a gang of hoodlums brought together by ill circumstances to bully and harass others? Asserting their will over those weaker than themselves? This last part is doubtful due to Song, and another friend of theirs, Wang Rongsheng, being from wealthy families.

Perhaps, during the height of a major catastrophic event, and surrounded by a collapsing dynasty, Liang was simply teaching martial arts to this next generation for a hobby? Silly, when we lay it out that way, but entirely possible.

We have no definitive reason why any of these boxers, with the exception of Wang Rongsheng came to claim Liang as their teacher. We can however look at the obvious connection to the plum blossom society, and how this popular boxing wave came to influence mantis boxing as it progressed toward the 1900’s. Possibly determining when praying mantis boxing began to change.

The Boxer Uprisings

Plum blossom boxing was highly popularized by the time these 5 boxers were in their 30’s and 40’s. The style was also directly, or indirectly tied to the Boxer Uprisings many years later. According to Dr. Peter Lorge, and Dr. Tom Green, méihuāquan was a popular style, or group of martial artists of the time, which also held a folk religious element along with it.

Plum blossom boxing was spread through marketplaces when their followers/practitioners visiting villages and cities in the northern regions of China. Said boxers would meet up with other martial artists and share techniques in a cross collaboration. The art spread through various provinces such as - Henan, Hebei, and Shandong [Green 2016].

Dr. Ben Judkins mentions these plum boxers in his extensive writings on Martial Arts as Brand. Judkins writes, “Talent attracts talent.” which could help explain why these younger, accomplished boxers with prior experience in other styles, ended up tied by lineage, to two biaoshi (escort masters) that came before them - Li San Jian, and Liang Xuexiang.

Judkins further writes -

“However it would appear that there have been numerous cases where local martial artists wished to capitalize on the marking[sic] power of the dominant style or “brand” but for one reason or another could not officially enter the new institution or retrain.  The very rapid spread of Plum Blossom Boxing across northern China in the late 18th and 19th century is a good example of this.

Members of this style, sometimes associated with millennial folk religious movements, were a common fixture on training grounds and at village markets in a number of northern provinces.  Today there are a very large number of “alternate lineages” within the Plum Blossom tradition, some of which share more commonalities than others.  Practitioners of the art occasionally point to this proliferation of clans as evidence of the great age of the art.  However, we actually have some good documentation on the history of this particular style.

It appears that in the second half of the 19th century a relatively large number of small local fighting styles, some of them more closely related than others, started to declare themselves “Plum Blossom” schools by fiat, essentially appropriating what was a regionally very successful brand, without having to totally overhaul their teaching structures.  In this way the total number of unique local styles in the region was reduced, and the relationship between the name “Plum Blossom” and any fixed body of techniques was stretched and twisted”

Jiang Hua Long and his friend Song Zi De were the first to claim the moniker of the plum blossom, branding the style as ‘Plum Blossom’ Praying Mantis Boxing. Hao Lian Ru was the blood brother of Liang’s son, Liang Jingchuan, who was much older than him and the 1st disciple of Liang Xue Xiang. Hao later went on to distinguish his line of mantis as something different than the others - Tài Jí Méi Huā Táng Láng Quán, or ‘Supreme Ultimate Plum Blossom’ Praying Mantis Boxing.

Tai Ji is oft used as a way to define something as ‘the source of all things’. This was likely a way for Hao to declare (or brand) that he was in fact the 1st of Liang’s disciples. The closest to the core. However, when this happened is debatable. Such political pettiness is likely to have happened after Liang Xuexiang’s death in 1895 at 85 years old.

If Lorge is correct that much of the plum blossom moniker came after the Boxer Rebellion, then we can narrow this down to sometime after 1902. If Liang Xuexiang was the bearer of the mantis torch prior to all of these boxers, and it was not a brand invented after his passing, then it is likely the plum blossom blend of techniques also did not appear until after his passing, and after the boxer uprisings.

The references to the plum blossom go deeper as we explore a few of the mantis boxing tào lù (forms, or choreographed boxing sets). Although this is subject to debate, these boxing sets are the commonly believed ‘older’ sets from mantis boxing. They exist in all of the main lines with the exception of 6 harmony mantis, which came later in the 5th generation by conjoining with a different boxing style altogether (Liuhe).

Mantis Boxing Sets -  Tào Lù

A note on these boxing sets before we establish their plum blossom connection. The common forms that exist between the lines of — plum blossom praying mantis boxing, supreme ultimate praying mantis boxing, and qī xīng (Seven Star 七星) praying mantis boxing, are all different from one another in execution. None of them have the same moves/patterns within the choreographed set of fighting moves. This makes it next to impossible to tell which version is ‘correct’, or an original, and further solidifies the fact that boxing techniques and styles of the time, were fluid.

We can however rule out seven star mantis as being the original, since Wang Rongsheng never studied under Liang Xuexiang. Wang’s claimed teacher, Li Sanjian practiced Red Boxing (Hong Quan), not mantis boxing. Li San Jian was in his 70’s in 1888 when Wang started training with him, and died a few years later in 1891. So it is difficult to assess how much ‘knowledge’ was transferred to Wang from Li in that time, and if fighting was the true nature of their relationship.

It is also important to note that Wang was from a wealthy family, and thereby did martial arts as a hobby rather than as means of employ. Li San Jian however, was a famous fighter and biaoshi. Wang, also ‘purchased’ his degree in the 1890’s (a common form of corruption taking place at this time due to the imperial examination system being extremely difficult to pass). Wang failed the exams three times previous to purchasing his degree. Wang, and his family quite possibly hired Li Sanjian for his protection services/knowledge, and Wang could have studied with him during this time. But their relationship is unknown to us, and not relevant to our current, and further exploration of the plum blossom connection to mantis.

Ultimately, finding the original quickly narrows down to — Plum Blossom Praying Mantis (Jiang and Song), Tai Ji Mantis (Sun Yuanchang), or Tai Ji Plum Blossom Praying Mantis (Hao Lianru). Perhaps Hao and Sun’s ‘taiji' mantis is closer to the true mantis, if there ever was such a thing. Or, at least closest to Liang Xuexiang’s teachings? Perhaps this is why they named branded it with the taiji? As in ‘closest to the source’.

The fact that the forms (taolu) from each of them is also different, tells us that even within this ‘style’ of mantis boxing, the forms were subject to independent interpretation rather than a dogmatic system of practice. Due to the appearance and consistency of all three of the core boxing sets (albeit executed differently from one another) in ‘seven star’, ‘taiji’ and ‘plum blossom’ lines of mantis boxing, allows us to trace the forms Luán Jié (Intercept 攔截), Bā Zhǒu (8 Elbow 八肘), and Beng Bu (Crushing Step 崩步) at least as far back as this 4th generation of boxers.

I have no known record of who created these forms at the time of this writing. There is uncorroborated claims that Liang Xuexiang wrote three manuscripts and listed some of these sets within. Until I can verify that, it is unsubstantiated. We may never know.

Because these boxing sets show up in plum blossom praying mantis, supreme ultimate praying mantis, and seven star praying mantis, we can conclude that they either a) existed prior to this generation, and were taught by Liang Xuexiang, or b) were created by this generation and spread down each branch from there; each style having different versions of the form based on the boxer teaching it. Having no verifiable written records makes it difficult to pin down an absolute origin, but it is important to note Esherick’s writings again here as a refresher - ‘boxers and their methods were more fluid and subject to variation from boxer to boxer.’

Wang Rongsheng, the founder of the seven star praying mantis branch was close friends with the ‘plum blossom’ praying mantis boxing founders, and around the same age. Wang assuredly learned mantis boxing from these boxers, his friends, since he did not learn it from Li San Jian. This we can discern from a close study of our mantis boxing timeline, and exactly when he is noted as meeting his claimed teacher, Li San Jian.

Since the boxing sets Crushing Step, Intercept, and 8 Elbows are often the topic of discussion when it comes to ‘original forms’, I’ll focus on these in more detail while additionally notating other forms that offer significant points of interest, if in name only.

Note: These observations are based on the versions of the form(s) that I learned and witnessed via other boxers. Mantis forms are ripe with variations from one line to the next, even at times within the same branch/line. Thus making it extremely difficult to make any statements in absolute terms.

Lán Jié (Intercept 攔截)

The version of Lán Jié that I learned, as well as others I see out there, is precipitated by a strange movement pattern performed in the air. This pattern makes little sense out of context, but the pattern in the air is clearly a plum flower. An homage to plum blossom boxing and a strong indication that this set was assembled by this 4th generation of boxers, or at least this was tacked on.

The opening move of the form that follows the salutation is synonymous with a version of the plum blossom boxing set -> double rising hooks followed by double palms/waist chop. This is the same opening move of the plum blossom form/boxing set that still exists today. Instead of hooks (another brand as I discuss in The Mantis Hand was nothing more than a Mantis Brand) the plum blossom version uses two upper blocks with fists. Similar to gongliquan (power building boxing).

By itself one could argue that this was just a technique that was common to the region at the time. However, when placed immediately after the opening symbolism and combined with other factors that follow, it stands to reason that it came from plum boxing rather than the other way around.

Other common techniques overlap with plum boxing as well: crashing tide, closing door kick, recede/block/kick, block/circle/trap strike, seize leg, lifting hook to the topple, and more. All show a) there was a common vernacular, or library of techniques, (see What Can BJJ Teach Us About Qing Dynasty Martial Arts? - Randy Brown - MAS Conference 2019) in the region at the time, and b) given the redundancy of these two sets and plum boxings popularity compared to mantis, that Lán Jié was likely created after the plum blossom boxing craze.

Given the heavy influence and symbolism of plum boxing within this set, it is far more likely this form was created or altered after the boxer uprising when forms proliferation truly began. However, this is difficult to know for sure without documented dates of creation. Another commonality with this set as well as other mantis sets like crushing step, and others (yet not Ba Zhou), is the repeated engarde position found in the meihuaquan (see photo).

Bēng Bù (Crushing Step 崩步)

Bēng Bù (Crushing Step 崩步) is a prevalent tào lù (boxing set 套路) of praying mantis boxing. It stands as one of the more popular fighting sets on record for the style. It is also a common boxing set practiced by a few of the branches. Although the name translates as 'Crushing Step', this is a bit of a misnomer. 

This form also embodies the influence of plum blossom boxing. The ‘engarde’ position known as ‘mantis catches cicada’ shows up in bēng bù right at the beginning — second move. In Crushing Step as well as in other mantis sets, this engarde position is branded with the mantis hooks instead of the signature open palms found in plum blossom boxing as seen above. This clearly disrupts the idea that this was a combative move in and of itself. A heart crushing blow to many of us who spent great efforts trying to ‘decipher’ the fighting application of that move.

In the end, it is nothing more than a branded engarde position taken from plum blossom boxing. It could also be commonly used by boxers from varying styles accustomed to duels at the time. Although, in my experience with studying over 50 forms from a variety of northern Chinese boxing styles, it does not appear that often in other sets/styles.

Additionally, the end of Crushing Step, and Intercept, both have a 180 degree turn to this ‘mantis catches cicada position, or engarde with hooks. The plum boxing set ends with the exact same 180 degree turn, the exception being the use of open palms vs hooks. 

The Tiger Tail Kick

At the end of the first road of bēng bù, there is a move often referred to as a ‘tiger tail kick’. There are versions of crushing step with one instance of this move as you start the second road, and other variations end the first road with this move, and then repeat it in the opposite direction before heading into the second road of the form. Regardless, its roots lie in plum boxing.

Thanks to another article done by Ben Judkins on his Kung Fu Tea blog, I found a drawing of this exact same move. The article - “Research Notes: “Background of Meihuaquan’s Development During Ming and Qing Dynasties” By Zhang Guodong and Li Yun” discusses the influence meihuaquan had on the area of Shandong during the late 1800’s. This same ‘tiger tail kick’ move, as seen in the drawing from 1880, is inside the meihuaquan forms as well as Crushing Step.

This influence on a staple mantis boxing form such as bēng bù draws into question the age of the form, and perhaps points to a newer origin story for this boxing set thought to be at one time over a thousand years old.

Bā Zhǒu (8 Elbows 八肘)

Bā Zhǒu is claimed to be one of the older sets in the lineage. By outward appearance, although mutated from line to line, it seems to be one of the only forms consistent among seven star, supreme ultimate plum blossom, and plum blossom mantis. It would therefore hint that this form [whichever version is original], is handed down by Liang Xue Xiang, and perhaps those before him.

Additionally, and perhaps more significantly — in review of the various versions of this form ascribed to the different branches of mantis boxing, there is a distinct lack of the ‘plum blossom influence’ in the set unlike crushing step, and intercept. In a closer look at this 4th generation of boxers when they fractured into separate lines, based on this evidence it is highly likely in my opinion that this is the oldest mantis boxing set.

Bēng bù and lán jié are suspicious when we see the heavy plum blossom boxing influence represented within them. In both seven star, and plum blossom mantis boxing lines. This can further be brought into question as we look to what other significant geopolitical factors took place in this region/time period.

Rebel Boxers

These plum boxers were subsequently connected to the Boxer Uprisings as we travel closer to the turn of the century. Zhao San Duo, a famous plum boxer and rebel of the time, they were connected to the uprisings not necessarily in ways that would seem obvious. Judkins writes regarding the plum boxers/sect in his article on Zhao San Duo, “the group expelled anti-Christian, and anti-Qing extremist factions.” They were, as well as other martial artists of the time, called upon to engage as a militia group in times of need.

However, Judkins cites the work of Joseph Esherick on the Boxer Uprisings and goes on to further mention the following specifically about Zhao San Duo -

“Esherick reports one very interesting example of “image policing” in his discussion of the relationship between Plum Blossom boxing and the aftermath of an outbreak of anti-Christian violence in 1897 (The Origins of the Boxer Uprising.  California UP, 1985. pp. 151-159.).

Zhao San-duo was a noted local Plum Blossom teacher who had a few thousand students and disciples (including many yamen clerks and secretaries) in the Liyuantun region of Shandong.  He was probably not a wealthy individual, but his father was a degree holder and he seems to have had some amount of local influence.  While he initially resisted being caught up in local events, he ultimately could not withstand the demands to back his fiends and students in the face of persistent communal violence.

During the spring of 1897 he was effectively pressured by his students to become involved in a dispute between the local community and the area’s Christian population. A church (still under construction) was attacked, homes were looted and many people were injured in the clash (one person was reported to have been killed). The Christians were effectively driven out of the local community and the site of their former church was reallocated as a village school.

This action was well received locally and local officials were sympathetic to Zhao and his cause. However, from that point forward he increasingly aligned himself with radical (and sometimes even anti-Manchu) figures. This trend worried the other elders of the local Plum Blossom clan. They did not want to be associated with community violence, anti-Christian violence or even the suggestion of sedition.

These elders met repeatedly with Zhao.  However, when it was clear that he would not change his path they agreed to part ways, but forbade him to teach or practice under their name.  In effect, worried about the damage and disgrace that he would bring to a very successful brand, the Plum Blossom clan excommunicated the increasingly revolutionary Zhao.

He selected a new name for his style, the Yi-he Quan (Boxers United in Righteousness).  This should sound very familiar to students of late 19th century Chinese history.  Just as the elders feared, the subsequent actions of the Yi-he students in the Boxer Uprising severely damaged the fortunes of martial artists around the country.

The above is a significant indicator as to not only the popularity of plum blossom boxing at the time, with Zhao having “a few thousand students”, but what would ultimately also come to affect our mantis boxers in Shandong.

We see not only the influence of plum boxing on mantis boxing, but this further evolves into a new intersection with the Boxer Uprisings and the political leanings of at least one of our boxers. As the Righteous Harmonious Boxers as they were called, grew in popularity, so too did their influence on Jiang Hualong. Was Jiang involved in the uprisings? Or was he just an admirer of how they stood up to the western powers who were forcing their way into China, and specifically Shandong? Or was Jiang a supporter of the yi-he boxing movements anti-Christian agenda?

The following forms are noteworthy due not only to their connection to the plum blossom, but the boxer uprisings as well. Whether this is due to religious, cultural, or rebellious reasons is unknown, but it offers further evidence of our boxers being influenced or connected with meihuaquan.

• Plum Blossom Fist - creator unknown

• Plum Blossom Road (Meihua Lu) - Jiang and Song

• Righteous Harmonious Fist - Jiang Hualong

• Flower Arranging - Wang Rongsheng

• Double Flower Arranging - Wang Rongsheng’s forms

Of particular interest is Jiang Hualong’s set - Righteous Harmonious Fist. According to Brian Kennedy and Elizabeth Guo in their book ‘Jing Wu The School That Transformed Kung Fu’, any association with the boxers involved in the Boxer Uprisings in the early twentieth century would have been considered detrimental to one’s reputation. While we have no record of what year this form was created, if it were prior to the reformation period and the creation of Jing Wu, it raises an interesting question as to why Jiang would keep the name, given any association with the Rebel Boxers was perceived as negative.

Jiang died at the age of sixty-nine in 1924 during a period when Jing Wu was battling the disparaged reputation of Chinese martial arts, and attempting to shed negative associations and convince the public that any black marks such as the boxer rebellion, outlaws, bandits, and overzealous warlords of the past, were not the true martial arts of China. Whatever was going on in the mantis boxing sub-culture in the early 1900’s, it did not affect Jiang Hualong enough for him to shed the name of his set and associations it may conjure in the minds of the public. This could lead us to believe he had strong associations himself with the boxer uprisings, their charter, or anti-western opinions.

Conclusion - A chronology of strife

If we look at the ages of our boxers and the regional and political conflicts they intersected with, we can begin to see a pattern evolve. These boxers met Liang Xuexiang as young adults and became branded as ‘mantis boxers’. Perhaps they were attracted to him due to Liang’s status and reputation carried from years of running escorts/bodyguard services. Liang’s reputation appears to be significant at least in his village/county.

Liang’s home in Laiyang/Haiyang is now a nationally protected treasure. The village sees visitors from around the world that come to see Liang Xuexiang’s dwelling and grave site, and to meet his descendants.

Article on Liang Xuexiang’s home

After meeting Liang Xuexiang our boxers experience (in chronological order)

• Continued western encroachment in Yantai, and across Shandong

• Catholic and Protestant interference in politics on a macro and micro level causing great upset in the populace of Shandong.

• An opioid epidemic - by the 1890’s the once proud and famous Manchu Bannermen that were some of the strongest military in the world, were now reduced to corrupt drug addicts.

• Drought across the plains wiping out crops for years to follow.

• Mass famine following the droughts

• Another famine

• Japanese invasion/war on the Shandong peninsula.

• Another famine

• Boxer uprisings

• National restrengthening movement

• Collapse of the last remaining dynasty in China’s history

As our mantis boxers age they likely pick up the plum blossom banner to become part of the growing popularity of this quasi-religious movement. And yet in aligning with this banner, do not discard the mantis boxing brand. This could indicate the power of the mantis brand handed down by Liang, or his influence alone. The mantis was obviously a valuable enough symbol to our boxers that they continued to carry this banner as they adopted new branding and grew their influence in Shandong and beyond.

As we reach the end of the 19th century we see rebellious factions appear. One of our boxers is somehow directly or indirectly linked to the more extremist part of the plum blossom society, the yi he boxers who are ultimately exiled for their actions against Christians and converts. Was Jiang Hualong the one naming forms afters these boxers and their movement a part of uprisings? Further study of Jiang Hualong is required to try and answer this question.

Once the Qing dynasty collapsed we are now in a time period where martial arts in China undergoes a significant reskin. No longer a fighting art, now a form of physical education. Teachers vie for commercial students, popularity, reputation. Mantis boxing is propelled on a path to become a worldwide martial art as it travels south to Shanghai and enters the now infamous - Jin Woo Athletic Center to become a part of China’s national movement to regain face. From there to Hong Kong and half a century later it traverses the globe.

This southern migration was spearheaded by a student of a student to mantis boxer Wang Rongsheng who started the Seven Star line of mantis boxing. This 3rd generation ‘seven star’ student was Luo Guangyu. This lends itself to yet another question — Wang was not part of the original group mentioned above who trained with Liang. Yet his mantis, not the mantis of those who studied under the direct descendant was the branch/style (Seven Star) chosen to go south and represent these mantis boxers from the north. Why?

Wang’s version of mantis also carries with it hallmarks of the plum blossom boxing style. It is therefore conclusive that this integration with mei boxing took place before mantis reached Jin Woo in 1913. Due to none of the orginal sets matching from one branch to the next, it is difficult to ascertain an exact point in time when these two ‘styles’ converged. Quite possibly it was even before Wang adopted the mantis brand from his friends.

Bibliography

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• Guodong, Zhang & Green, Thomas & Gutiérrez-García, Carlos. (2016). Rural Community, Group Identity and Martial Arts: Social Foundation of Meihuaquan. Ido Movement for Culture. 16. 18-29. 10.14589/ido.16.1.3.

• Judkins, Ben. Lives of Chinese Martial Artists (13): Zhao San-duo—19th Century Plum Flower Master and Reluctant Rebel - https://chinesemartialstudies.com/2017/04/20/lives-of-chinese-martial-artists-13-zhao-san-duo-19th-century-plum-flower-master-and-reluctant-rebel-2/

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• Kennedy, Brian, Guo, Elizabeth Jing Wu The School That Transformed Kung Fu, Blue Snake Books 2010